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8 Petrarch’s source is Pliny, Historia naturalia, tr. W.H.S. Jones (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963), Book 29, 1-8; Petrarch makes repeated use of Pliny, see especially, the Invective, henceforth cited as ICM, I, 828; II, 868, 872; III, 912.
9 The classification of medicine as a mechanical art can be found con Hugh of St. 11; Petrarch refers esatto medicine as per mechanical art also durante XII, 2, 454, 466, 473-4.
10 Fracassetti, Letteratura della vecchiaia, vol. 2, 242-3, translates a passage not found per Bernardo’s edition: “Ecco volubilita di velocita, dubbio anche inutilita della medicina,” XII, 2.
11 Peirce, “How esatto Make Our Ideas Clear,” Writings, vol. 3, 263-4: “The supercarburant of a belief is the establishment of verso habit, and different beliefs are distinguished by the different modes of action numero di telefono shaadi esatto which they give rise.”
12 On Petrarch and the dialecticians see Pietro Paolo Gerosa, Umanesimo comprensivo del Petrarca; Grazia agostiniana, attinenze medievali (Turin: Bottega d’Erasmo, 1966), 208f. 13. Petrarch seems sicuro collapse dialectic and logic; on this issue see Eleonore Stump, Dialectic and its Place sopra the Development of Medieval Logic (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989).
14 Petrarch is not above employing syllogizing, durante deepest irony, of course; see ICM, III, 932: “Certe ego nunc risu et verecundia impedior sillogismum tibi tuo parem mittere, quo probem te vilissime servum rei. Quod urbanius possum dicam: si quod alio spectat, et ad aliud refertur, et propter aliud levante inventum, illi serviat oportet, ut manque vis. Rimedio autem aneantit pecumian spectat et ad illam refertur et propter illam oriente. Conclude, dyaletice: pertanto pecunie cameriera est.”
15 Petrarch also argues that the more necessary is not by that more noble: “Igitur putas necessitas artium nobilitatem arguat. Contra est; alioquin nobilissimus artificum erit agricola; sutor quoque et pistor et deguise, si mactare desieris, per precio eritis,” ICM, III, 894-6; cf. III, 910.
16 “. . . the doctor had done nothing at all, nor could he have except what per loquacious dialectician, rich in boredom and lacking mediante remedies, can do”; “Medicum nil omnino vel fecisse, vel facere potuisse, nisi quod dialecticus loquax potest, taedii dives, inopsque remedii.”
18 I use the edition, Conciliator controversarium quae inter philosophos eet medicos versantur (Venice: apud Juntas, 1548). Nancy Siraisi’s discussion of d’Abano con Arts and Sciences at Padua; The Studium of Padua before 1350 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1973), is excellent. D’Abano notes the attack on him as Averroist by the Dominicans durante Differentia 48; Nardi contests the notion of d’Abano as Averroist con “La dispensa dell’anima anche la vita delle forme indietro Pietro d’Abano,” 1-17, and “Circa alle dottrine filosofiche di Pietro d’Abano,” mediante Studi sulla dottrina aristotelica nel Veneto, I: Saggi sull’Aristotelismo padovano dal eta XIV at XVI (Florence: Sansoni, 1958), 19-74. P. Ovvero. Kristeller makes the point that Petrarch’s opponents con the De sui ipsius et multorum ignorantia were probably Bolognese, not Paduans, in “Petrarch’s ‘Averroists’; Verso Note on the History of Aristotelianism sopra Venice, Padua, and Bologna,” Bibliotheque d’Humanisme et Renaissance, 14 (1952), 59-65. Giessena (Giessae: Casparus Chemlinus, 1621).
19 Lynn Thorndike, “Translations from the Greek by Pietro d’Abano,” Isis, 33 (1942), 649-53; see also V. Nutton, “Galen on Prognosis,” Campione medicorum graecorum, 8.1.1 (1979), 27.
21 See the argument cited per Differentia 3, (8r): “. . . medicari non est scientia subite: sed quidam actus et labor particularis, et de tali inezie oriente scientia . . . regulat con actu operandi particularem et tunc consequitor medicinae finis perfecte, quod ostenditur.”
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